[How Organized Jewry has taken control of the US government and subverted it as part of its goal of achieving world domination — KATANA]
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Zion’s Trojan Horse
By Senator Jack B. Tenney
ZION’S TROJAN HORSE
A TENNEY REPORT
On World Zionism
By Senator Jack B. Tenney
Introduction by Col. John Beaty
Sons of Liberty P.O. Box 449
Arabi, LA 70032
Printed In the United States of America
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION By Col. JOHN BEATY ………………………………. 175
THE WANDERING JEW …………………………………………………. 177
In Dispersion From the Beginning …………………………………… 177
The Chosen People ………………………………………………………… 180
THE TERRIBLE POWER OF THE PURSE ………………………. 188
Jacob Henry Schiff ………………………………………………………… 189
The Rothschilds …………………………………………………………….. 190
The Warburgs ………………………………………………………………… 192
PRELUDE TO CONQUEST ………………………………………………. 193
The World Zionist Organization ……………………………………….. 193
Toward World Government …………………………………………….. 195
THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT ……………………………….197
The Jewish Socialist Federation of America ……………………….. 197
The Socialist International …………………………………………………. 202
The National Workmen’s Committee …………………………………. 204
JEWISH REVOLUTION ………………………………………………….. 205
“WE ARE ONE PEOPLE” ………………………………………………….. 211
“Unity of Mind and Purpose” ……………………………………………. 211
The Copenhagen Manifesto ………………………………………………. 214
THE JEWISH NATION ………………………………………………………. 215
The International Jew at Versailles …………………………………….. 215
The Versailles Treaty ………………………………………………………….. 217
Second Meeting of the American Jewish Congress ………………. 218
CONQUEST OF THE JEWISH COMMUNITIES ……………………… 219
Groundwork for World Government ……………………………………. 219
First World Jewish Conference ……………………………………………. 221
The Constituent Session of the World Jewish Congress …….. 224
Mobilization of World Jewry ……………………………………………….. 226
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS ……………………………………………… 228
AGITATION FOR WORLD WAR II …………………………………….. 236
ANTI-GENTILISM …………………………………………………………….. 239
CHANCE OR DESIGN? …………………………………………………….,. 246
By CoL. JOHN BEATY, author of
The Iron Curtain Over America
To be of major significance, a book on the current world scene must meet three requirements:
(1) It must be the work of a person who has been in an exceptional position for breaking through censorship and learning the truth;
(2) it must be full and complete and written fearlessly, with no effort to hide or gloss over the evil deeds of any faction or minority; and
(3) it must be written by one who is skilled in the writer’s art.
ZION’S TROJAN HORSE, by Jack Tenney, possesses the triple qualification.
(1) Ten years of arduous work in the California Senate as Chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities has given Senator Tenney a great body of information on vital facts to which newspaper columnists and other political writers, and even academic historians, have no means of access. The reason is obvious. In his strategic position, Senator Tenney not only had opportunities denied to others for uncovering secret data; he even had the power to force the disclosure of much information which would under no circumstances have become known to a writer who was not in a similar position of government authority.
(2) An author’s incumbency in high office or in a strategic position does not, however, guarantee that his book is of major importance. Too many such personages have written books to throw a smoke screen over their own surrenders to political expediency or to alien pressure. Other authors have written books which purport to cover the history of the past half century or to deal with the foreign policy of the United States of America and yet, from fear of an alien minority, make no reference whatever to Middle East, Israel, Jews, Judaism, Khazars, or Zionism! These books name names, but never the names of such history-making Jews as, for example, the Rothschilds, Chaim Weizman, Samuel Untermeyer, Stephen A. Wise, and Louis D. Brandeis — much less the names of those Jews prominent in more recent times in atomic espionage; in the U. S. executive departments, especially Treasury and State; and above all, in the personal staffs of the last three Presidents of the United States.
Books that leave out such topics and such names are worse than useless. They are dangerous. They teach the reader to place the blame for the world’s perilous condition upon people of his own creed and kind, and not where it belongs — upon scheming alien manipulators. Such books present a picture as much distorted from the truth as would be presented by a history of the U. S. Revolutionary War which made no reference to taxation without representation, the Declaration of Independence, and the Continental Congress; and made no mention of Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, or other men prominent at the time in influencing public opinion.
But how, the reader may ask, can one tell without reading it whether a book by a seemingly authoritative author gives a full coverage of its subject? Fortunately, there is an easy test. Consult the index of each book which has attracted your attention. Make your own comparison, and back the book of your choice. The merest glance at the index of ZION’S TROJAN HORSE will show its full and fearless coverage of all phases of its vital subject.
(3) Whatever a man’s former position of authority and however full his coverage of his subject, he cannot have maximum effectiveness unless he writes well. Senator Tenney writes with a confidence and a zeal which the reader immediately senses and shares. Imbued by the emotion of the author, the reader is swept forward through the mass of details which fill the years between Karl Marx and the present. He is both fascinated and terrified by the climactic story of the growth of two tremendous forces, Communism and Zionism, so closely related in their objectives. The reader sees with the horror which can be induced only by superb literary writing how the aims of these two forces, Communism and Zionism, are alike hostile to America as a nation and to the Christian civilization of which our nation is the finest flower. The reader shares the author’s indignation at the subtle way in which Communism and Zionism have played Christian nations against each other in bloody conflict, and is appalled at the combination of subtle infiltration, brazen bullying, and everlasting propaganda with which these two alien forces have ridden rough-shod over the world and have demanded and secured in this country rights and privileges which involve the destruction of America and the degradation of the Christian West.
In Paradise Lost John Milton wrote the epic of the fall of man, a fall which was engineered by an alien intruder into the Garden. In ZION’S TROJAN HORSE, Jack Tenney has written of the fall of American man, and of American women, too, under the blandishments, the bribes, and the intimidation of alien intruders into our garden-spot, America. To read this great book is to arm yourself with knowledge. With your increased knowledge you will feel increased confidence and have a new power to go forth and defend your country, your ideals, and your faith.
DECEMBER 4, 1953
THE REVOLUTIONARY PROLETARIAT
The Jewish Socialist Federation of America
Frank F. Rosenblatt (chief of Staff of the Jewish Bureau of Philanthropic Research in 1918) declared that;
“the birth of the Jewish Socialist Federation of America in 1912 must be recognized as the most important landmark in the history of the Jewish Socialist movement in this country.”
It is perhaps significant that Mr. Rosenblatt specifically uses the phrase “Jewish Socialist movement” and not merely the “Socialist movement”. We learn that the Jewish Socialist Federation was an outgrowth of the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau organized about 1905 in support of the unsuccessful communist revolution of that year in Russia. It was organized at a time when the little noticed Second Communist Convention storm was throwing ideological waves against the Jews throughout the world. The tidal wave had actually started in Basle, Switzerland when Theodor Herzl had called for the mobilization of the “Jewish Nation.”
The Jewish Socialist Bund of Russia and Poland had spearheaded revolt in Russia and the First Communist Congress was largely composed of Bund delegates. The affair was held in Minsk in March, 1898. It was convened under the auspices of the All Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Neither Julius Martov (Yurii Osipovich Tsederbaum), who had been one of the leaders of the Russian Jewish Socialist Bund, nor Lenin (Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) were able to attend the Congress, both having been arrested and sent to Siberia a few months previous.
It has been truthfully said that every radical or revolutionary movement in Russia was heavily staffed with Jewish leadership. The Jews had always been most active in revolutionary propaganda. A Jew named Mloditzkia attempted to assassinate Count Loris Melikoff in 1880. Five Jewish names had dominated the list of assassins who had murdered Czar Alexander II. The Jewish General Workers Union of Poland and Lithuania (the Jewish Socialist Bund) was, of course, all Jewish. Leo Deutsch and Pavel Borisovich Axelrod were among the Jews who founded Russian Marxism.
Axelrod and Martov were two of the six editors of Iskra. A Jew named Gershuni was the leader of one of the terrorist groups. Many other examples might be given. Most Jewish apologists attempt to refute the Jewish character of Communism by disclaiming Jewish aherence to the Bolsheviki wing of the All Russian Social Democratic Labor Party and seek to glamorize the Mensheviki wing — which is conceded to be heavily Jewish — as something quite different. The fact is that the split in the All Russian Social Democratic Labor Party was over the issue of Jewish nationalism which had swept out of Switzerland in 1897.
An attempt had been made to convene a second congress of the Party in April of 1902. An unsuccessful conference met in Bialystock. Theodore Dan (Gurvich) attended this meeting. The “student movement” reached its climax on April 4, 1902 with the assassination of Sipiagin (successor of Plehve) by Balmashov. The so called Nishni-Novgorod workers’ demonstration followed, resulting in the arrest of many of the “comrades.” The trial of Zalomov and Denisov was highly capitalized by the Communists and gave an added impetus toward open revolution. The escape from the jail at Kiev of a number of the arrested “comrades”, including Maxim Litinov (Finklestein) and Piatnitsky, and the creation of an “organization committee” by Iskra (which Gregory Zinoviev called the first Central Executive Committee) cleared the way for the official Second Communist Congress.
The organization committee was composed of hard-ribbed revolutionaries who were destined to play leading roles in the rape of Russia. Among them were Krisishanovsky, later to become commissar of Soviet electrification; Alexandrova; Lengnik, a later member of the Soviet Commissariat for Education; Krassikov, to become prominent in the Soviet Finance Commissariat; Krasnucha, delegate from the Petersburg Committee; Levin, delegate from the South Russian Workers; and Portnoy of the Jewish Socialist Bund.
The Organization Committee was charged with the task of convoking the “All-Russian Party Congress” A program was drafted by the editorial staffs of Iskra and Zarya, the latter being a theoretical organ published abroad by the Plekhanov-Lenin combination. Needless to say, the draft was the work of Plekhanov and Lenin. Its theses included the development of capitalism, the concentration of capital, the creation of a proletariat, and the transference of power to the proletariat. The draft was completed in time for the opening of the Second Congress in Brussels.
The revolutionary tempo was accelerated by the Jewish Bundists throughout 1902 and 1903. A series of peasant revolts flared in Saratov which were suppressed by Governor Peter Arkadevich Stolypin, later to be assassinated by a Jewish lawyer named Mordecai Bogrov. Terrorism marked the rising pace of revolt as the assassins Karpovitch, Balmashov and Hirsch Leckert emptied their revolvers at Russian officialdom. Clashes between communist demonstrators and the police became more frequent, creating a bloody back-drop for the shabby Congress when it clamorously descended on Belgium.
Among those who were to write the history of the Second Congress were the following:
Schatman, representing the Petersburg Committee, later to be active in Karelia;
Lydia Makhnovetz, second delegate from Petersburg;
Baumann, of the Moscow Committee;
Lydia Knipovitch, nicknamed “Djadenka”, of the North Russian Alliance;
Stopani, also of the North Russian Alliance;
Makhlin; Lenov, an anarchist;
Krasikov, of the Kiev Committee;
Dimitry Ulianov, of the Tula Committee;
Zemlyatchka, of the Odessa Committee;
Panin, representing the Crimean Union;
Maschinski, of the Donetz Union;
Gussev, of the Don Committee;
Ackerman, also of Don Committee;
Galkin and Lyadov, both representing the Saratov Committee;
Levin and Nikolaev, of the Kharkov Committee;
Trotsky and Dr. Maldenberg, representing the Siberian Union;
Zurabov, of the Batum Committee;
Bogdan Knuniantz, of the Baku Committee;
Topuridze, of the Tilfis Committee;
and Kramer, Eisenstart, Portnoy, Liber (Goldman), Medem and Kossovsky, all of the Jewish Socialist Bund.
Lenin represented the foreign organization of Iskra and Martov represented the editorial board. Plekhanov, Axelrod and Deutsch were among others who attended the Congress. Only two delegates, Babushkin and Schatman, could lay any claim whatever to a workingclass background.
Nearly sixty revolutionaries gathered at Brussels, Belgium for the Second Communist Congress. The affair was held in a flour warehouse draped with red bunting and opened July 30, 1903. The first clash came on the question of the relationship of the Jewish Socialist Bund to the All Russian Social Democratic Labor Party.
Both the Jewish Socialist Bund and Zionism had emerged in the same year and the question of Jewish nationalism was uppermost in the minds of the Bundists. They had adopted Yiddish as their language and contended that;
“national consciousness and class consciousness must go hand in hand.”
The Bundists therefore demanded autonomy for specifically Jewish problems and the right to represent all Jews in Russia. Lenin, of course, held out for a centralized party and Martov, Axelrod and Trotsky — all Jews — stood with him. The question was still largely unsettled when the Belgian police interfered. The Congress moved to London where it met from August 11 to August 23.
Gregory Zinoviev, a Jew himself, in his “History of the Russian Communist Party”, explains the split in the party:
“The Bund demanded that it be regarded as the sole representative of the whole Jewish proletariat of Russia, refusing to take any cognizance of the fact that the Jewish people in general were scattered throughout the whole country, and that therefore the correct course was for them to join the organization of the place in which they lived, just as the Finnish, Estonians, and other workers. We could not agree to splitting up our organization into separate fragments, for we were a single international party, carrying on a struggle against international capital. This was the view-point maintained by the Iskrovtzi, conceding only that the Jewish workers have their own benefit societies and special groups, publish their own papers in their mother-tongues, etc. But the Bund, giving the first sign of future social-chauvinism, pushed the matter to the limit, demanding that the workers be divided according to nationality, and allowed the right of having separate parties of their own.”
Martov and Lenin split on the definition of “party member”, Lenin insisting on restricting language. Trosky and Axelrod joined with Martov. Martov ultimately won his point by a vote of 28 to 22. Lenin was infuriated and started a vigorous camapign to reverse the vote. He moved to dissolve the Rabochee Delo (The Workers’ Cause), a revolutionary publication in ideological competition with Iskra. Both of Rabochee Delo’s delegates had voted with Martov and when Lenin’s motion had carried they left the Congress.
The five delegates of the Jewish Socialist Bund, smarting under their defeat on the question of autonomy, — and who had also voted with Martov — walked out and Lenin’s minority was therefore converted into a majority! The Russian word for majorities is Bolsheviki!
Those who supported the Bund (the minorities) were to become known by the Russian equivalent Mensheviki. Zinoviev explained it this way:
“Lenin and Plekhanov were upheld, their resolution being passed, I believe, by 25 to 23 votes. From this juncture derive the terms ‘Bolsheviks’, (Majority), and ‘Mensheviks’ (Minority).”
“As is known, during the revolution often an altogether different interpretation was placed on them. Many thought simply that the Bolsheviks were those who desired the most possible; while the Mensheviks were prepared to be satisfied with less. In actual fact, however, this winged word (Bolsheviks) arose in connection with the fact that the majority (Bolshestvo) voted for the Plekhanov-Lenin editorial board, the minority (Menshestvo), against it.”
Thus it is that Frank F. Rosenblatt, Jewish Research director, was able to heap praise upon the Jewish revolutionaries. “It is to the glory of the Jewish Socialist Bund in Russia,” he wrote;
“that the question of nationalism, which in the minds of the Socialists of the older generation was synonymous with oppression and subjection, was forced into the foreground.”
The truth of the matter is that nationalism and internationalism are mutually exclusive terms. Adherence to both ideas in a single conception is only logical when the apparent paradox is designed to serve a specified purpose.
Needless to say the Jewish Socialist Bund continued its revolutionary activities and joined again in Congresses of the All Russian Social Democratic Labor Party. Many were arrested and exiled to Siberia but hundreds of thousands came to the United States. As a result a “net” of Bund branches spread across the United States and into Canada. The chief activity of the branches was the collection of funds for the Jewish Socialist Bund in Russia. American Bund members organized the Workmen’s Circle (Arbeiter Circle) and swelled the ranks of the Jewish trade unions. Annual conventions of the Bund were held and a Central-Verband was elected which coordinated and supervised the branches. The waves of Jewish revolutionaries fleeing the police of Russia after the unsuccessful revolution of 1905 swelled the Jewish Bund branches in the United States.
The Seventh Congress of the World Zionist Organization in 1905 gave impetus to Zionist Socialism. “Jewish administrative autonomy” (Saym), Golus nationalism, and Yiddishism were current ideological movements. One B. Boruchov declared himself a Paol-Zion in Switzerland. He had been a Socialist for a long time. He advocated that Zionism should join forces with Socialism. The establishment of Poale-Zion therefore effectually established the Marxist basis for Zionism.
In November of 1905 Borochov and J. Benjamin Zivi organized a conference of Poale-Zion in the Province of Poltava. In December of that year, at the time of the great Russian general strike, they organized a Jewish Russian conference in Berditchev. In 1906 the first All Russian Conference of the Poale-Zion met in Poltava and laid the foundation for the Social Democratic Zionist Party Poale-Zion. Boruchov, together with “other intellecual comrades,” published a number of radical papers with the Russian Government suppressed one after another. “The Jewish Workmen’s Chronicle” and “The Hammer” were published in Russian. “The Proletarian Idea” and “Forward” were published in Yiddish. At the same time the Social Democratic Zionist Party Poale-Zion was organized in Russia. “Sister” parties were organized in England, Austria, Palestine and America.
In Palestine Poale-Zion published a Yiddish paper, Der Anfang. In 1909, at its sixth conference, the delegates adopted Hebrew as their official language. After the Turkish constitution was adopted Poale-Zion launched a Hebrew paper, Ha-achdutth (Unity), which was suppressed in 1914 by the Turkish Government, and its editor, Zerubbel, condemned to life imprisonment. Israel Schochat (banished by the Turkish Government) and J. Ben Gorion were two of the early leaders of Poale-Zion in Palestine. The Poale-Zion was recognized as a part of the Socialist Party in Turkey which gave it the opportunity of influencing the international Socialist movement in favor of Zionism and Jewish national objectives.
Poale-Zion organized Ha-Shomer (The Watchmen) a group of young men who guarded Jewish property against the native population of Arabs who were slowly being dispossessed of their property and their country.
During the Zionist Congress at the Hague in 1907 Poale·Zion delegates organized the Poale-Zion Weltverband, a worldwide group to penetrate the Zionist and Socialist movements. The Palestine Workers’ Fund was collected from Jews all over the world and administered by this World Organization.
The Poale-Zion Weltverband is credited with successfully propagandizing Socialist and labor leaders in behalf of its program. Working through the Socialist International and the England Labor Party the Jewish Socialists in the Poale-Zion World Organization were able to have both groups adopt Zionism (a Jewish home in Palestine) as part of their respective “peace programs” (1917-19181).
Socialism and Zionism marched hand in hand from the beginning. Israel Cohen, reviewing Zionist progress wrote:
“At the (Zionist) Congresses… the delegates from Russia formed at least a third of the total number. They played an important, and often decisive part in the proceedings, and far more Russian was spoken than English; even translations from German into Russian were demanded. Throughout the decade that elapsed between the death of the leaders and the beginning of the War the Russian Zionists formed the backbone of the movement….”
The Socialist International
What was the Socialist International?
The International Workingmen’s Association was organized in London in 1864 under the leadership of Karl Marx. It was generally referred to as the International, and later, the First International. Its primary purpose was the promotion of the objectives of the Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
The last Congress of the First International met in Philadelphia in 1874 and rapidly disintegrated thereafter.
The Second International, generally referred to as the Socialist International, was founded at Paris in 1889. Headquarters were ultimately established at Brussels, Belgium in 1890. It was com posed of most of the Socialist parties in the world, among which the German and Russian Social Democratic parties were the most important. The terms “socialism” and “communism” were generally used to signify the same things- revolutionary overthrow of existing bourgeois governments. Poale-Zion embodied from the beginning the basic principles of Marxian communism (socialism) and the principles of Zionism.
The Poale-Zion movement through its World Organization (Poale-Zion Weltverband) made rapid strides after its organization in 1907. The Jewish Socialist Labor Party Poale-Zion of America, filled with revolutionary Jewish refugees from Russia, became an important factor in the movement after the abortive Russian Revolution of 1905. Many of the leading Jewish advocates of Marxism found their way to the hospitable shores of the United States and immediately joined the American branch of the party. A Memorandum, known as “The Red Book” (mainly the work of the Jewish Socialist Labor Party Poale-Zion) was presented to the Socialist International by the world Organization (Poale-Zion Weltverband). It was printed in several languages and dealt principally with “Jewish nationalist working classes” and “Jewish aspirations in all lands.”
Following well established technique American Poale-Zion agents in the American Federation of Labor were able to secure the adoption of resolutions “favoring the creation of a Jewish home in Palestine” as a point in the A. F. of L.’s “peace program” (1917-1918).
In 1917 and 1918 the American Poale-Zion was small in number of members — three to four thousand — but amazingly strong in its international relations. It created parallel organizations such as the National Workers’ Alliance. It boasts that it initiated the movement for “national radical schools” (Alliance of the National Radical Schools) which, as early a·s 1918, was “growing from day to day.”
Frank F. Rosenbatt declared:
“It is a party not for Palestine alone, but also for the Golus and its interests. For this reason, Poal-Zionism is the centre of the East Side, from which come forth almost all Jewish American movements, or without which no movement can prosper.”
It follows, therefore, that Poale-Zion was an important factor In the creation of the New York Kehilloh and the American Jewish Congress. Pressure from Poale-Zion;
“forced the whole Jewish laboring class on the one hand, and the Zionists on the other hand, as well as the better-to-do elements, to participate” in the Congress movement.
“All of the radical elements in the National Socialist Workmen’s Committee” were united by Poale-Zion for the Congress and for the publication of its weekly, “The Jewish Congress”.
Both P. Rutenberg (Vice-Commandant of the Petrograd Military District under A. F. Kerensky and a Socialist revolutionary ) and Dr. H. Schitlowsky joined the American Poale-Zion as soon as they were safely through immigration at Ellis Island.
The National Workmen’s Committee
The Bolshevik Revolution had a profound effect on American Jewry. Gentiles and Jews throughout the world hailed the Bolshevik triumph as Jewish instigated, executed and accomplished. With Lenin and Trotsky (Leon Bronstein) on the Czar’s throne and Alexander Kerensky’s Russian Republic in the ash-heap, many American Jews believed Jewish objectives already achieved. The 1917 political division of East European Jewry in the United States was perhaps the first concrete evidence that the Jewish drive for world power and dominion was a two-pronged attack. The National Workmen’s Committee on Jewish Rights withdrew from the Congress movement on the contention that its need had passed with the event of the Russian Revolution.
This organization was composed of four of the most radical American Jewish organizations; — The Workmen’s Circle, the United Hebrew Trades, the Jewish Socialist Federation of America, and the Forward Association. It was organized early in 1915. A conference was called for April 18, 1915 for “all labor and radical organizations” — and over two hundred responded. Its first convention was held the same year in New York City, September 4, 5, and 6. A half million American Jews were represented through several hundred organizations. It is alleged by Jewish writers that it was the first time that representatives of all radical wings of Jewry convened for one purpose. The 1918 officers of the National Workmen’s Committee were:
Frank F. Rosenblatt, treasurer;
B. Salutsky, secretary;
A.Baroff, I. Baskin, Isidor Cohen, M. Gillis, J. Halpern, Dr. J. Halpern, A. Held, B. Hoffman, E. H. Jeshurin, H. Lang, M. Lulow, M. Olgin, Jacob Panken, Max Pine, Frank F. Rosenblatt, J. B. Salutsky, L. Schaffer, J. Schlossberg, S. Valitzky, B. Vladeck, M. Winchevsky, directors. (M. Olgin is the author of “Why Communism?”)
One additional Jewish organization, mobilized for the support of the Jewish Socialist Bund in Russia, Poland and Lithuania, should be mentioned in passing. It was known as the Central Verband of the Bund Organizations of America and at one time maintained offices at 202 East Broadway in New York City. Its avowed purpose was financial aid to the revolutionary Jews in Russia. Branches were maintained in “all cities of the United States and Canada.”
During 1904 to 1907;
“the branches of the Bund were the most active and influential bodies in the Jewish radical spheres in this country.”
During the abortive 1905 Russian revolution the Central Verband “obtained tens of thousands of dollars” for the Bund in Russia. Meanwhile it carried on propaganda work among the Jews in the United States against the Russian Government. After the successful revolution of 1917 the Central Verband was busy collecting funds;
“to assist the Russian Bund in its work against counter- revolutionary forces.”
In 1918 M. Gurwich was Secretary and Dr. C. Kopelson was Treasurer.
The activities of the National Workmen’s Committee on Jewish Rights and the Central Verband of the Bund Organization of America indicate the wide-spread support of American Jewry for the Bolshevik revolution, — especially among the Eastern European Jews of Kazar descent. Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Sverdlov, Uritzy, and Volodarsky were famous Jewish leaders of the new Soviet Government. Although these pseudonyms concealed the Jewish identity of these revolutionary leaders from the world at large, the Jewish Socialists of America knew who they were. There were many more. Isaac Steinberg, as a member of the Soviet of Peoples’ Commissars, had become a Commissar of Justice, and Uritzky was striking terror into the hearts of Russian Gentiles as the chairman of the ruthless and all-powerful Cheka. They were rising to positions of power everywhere and western Christian civilization was trembling before their advance. Rosa Luxemberg was terrorizing Germany and Kurt Eisner was driving to revolutionary power in Bavaria. Bela Kun cut a bloody path across Hungary to find ultimate reward under Stalin in the Soviet’s Crimea. The American Jewish Bundists believed that the red dawn that had broken over Russia was the beginning of an era-an era that must fulfill not only the hopes of Zionism but deliver to them dominion of the world as well.
On March 19, 1917, at 8 o’clock in the evening David R. Francis, U. S. Ambassador to Russia, addressed Communication No. 1110 to the United States Secretary of State. Among other things the Ambassador reported that it was;
“immeasurably important to the Jews that (the) revolution succeed.” (House Document No. 1868, 65th Congress, 3d Session, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, 1918, Russia (In Three Volumes), Volume I, page 7.)
In Communication 1361 (June 5, 1917) the Ambassador told the Secretary that Russian refugees were returning from America and that they were;
“planning to inspire attack upon Root charging that as Secretary of State he refused to permit certain Russian refugees to enter United States.” (Ibid., page 114.)
In reply Secretary of State Robert Lansing cabled Ambassador Francis setting forth the contents of a letter written to Jacob Schiff by Mr. Root under date of October 16, 1908 explaining United States law as it pertained to political refugees entering the country. (Ibid., 114, 115.) On July 18, 1917 Ambassador Francis notified the Secretary of State that the Socialists were;
“making supreme effort to put their principles into operation”
and that they were being;
“assisted by German money in abundance.”
The Ambassador pointed out that the;
“Russian population comprises Caucasian, yellow and Semitic races as classified here and composed of seventy-four nationalities.”
He believed that the problem was;
“extremely difficult but not insoluble.”
He further referred to;
“deplorable conditions mainly attributable to returned exiles, majority from America, Trotsky being most troublesome.” (Ibid., page 203).
William G. Sharp, Ambassador to France, reported to the United States Secretary of State from Paris, February 9, 1918:
“Your 3118 (3154) February 7. I have just been informed by the Foreign Office that the report to which you refer is entirely correct.
It was explained that the British Government having received a representative of the Bolshevik Goernment there was nothing else to do for the French Government but to adopt a similar course. It has therefore visaed the passport of Kamenev proceeding to Paris via England in the capacity of Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary at Large. I have been informed that it is also (true that?) Zalkind has been appointed In the same capacity to Switzerland. I am told that the latter is the brother-in-law of Trotsky and has been his assistant secretary.”
“The Foreign Office informs me that until recently a representative of the Bolshevik government by the name of Holzman was here in Paris…”
During February of 1918 the Ambassador to Russia informed the United States Secretary of State that documentary evidence seen by himself and Sisson tended to prove that Lenin and Trotsky and other Bolsheviki leaders were in German pay;
“and that disruption of Russia is but one move in plan of Germany to sow disorganization in Entente countries.”
Referring to certain papers uncovered in Petrograd the Ambassador reported:
“All documents, except letter signed by Yoffe (Joffe) are said to be from the files of ‘Kontrerazvedka’, Government secret service organized under Kerensky. If so, unavoidable question arises why K. did not use evidence against Bolsheviki last July… Many clues lead to Stockholm and Copenhagen…” (Ibid., pages 371 and 372.)
The following excerpts are from translated documents sent to the Secretary of State:
“Document No. 1. Circular 18 February 1914… The management of all German banks which are transacting business abroad and by agreement with the Austro-Hungarian Government the Osterreichische Kreditanstalt Bank are hereby advised that the Imperial Government has deemed it to be of extreme necessity to the management of all institutions of credit to establish with all possible dispatch agencies in Lulea, Haparanda and Vardo on the frontier of Finland, and in Bergen and Amsterdam… Moreover, the managements of banking institutions are urged emphatically to make provisions for very close and absolutely secret relations being established with Finnish and American Banks.
In this direction the Ministry begs to recommend the Swedish Nya Banken in Stockholm; the banking office of Furstenberg; the commercial company Waldemar Hansen, in Copenhagen, as concerns which are maintaining relations with Russia.” (Ibid., page 372.) The signature was “N3737.”
Ambassador Francis commented:
“This is outline of basic financial structure begun February 1914, five months before war was launched and still in operation; notice reappearance in subsequent Lenin messages, towns Lulea and Vardo, likewise reference to American banks. Olof Aschberg, one of the heads of the Nya Banken, came to Petrograd month ago and boasted that N.B. was the Bolsheviki bank. He was overheard by one of our own group… Furstenberg is now at Smolny under the name of Ganetski, is one of inner group and is likely soon to be placed in charge State Bank. Aschberg now in Stockholm but returning. The material in this and other comments is independent of the documents and accurate on fact statements.” (Ibid., pages 372 and 373.)
Document No.2 was signed by “Doctor Fisher” and is headed “Circular June 9 (November 2?), 1914”. It was addressed to;
“all military attaches in the countries adjacent to Russia, France, Italy, and Norway.”
It announced that “special war credits have been opened for the subsidiary war requirements” in all branches of German banks in Sweden, Norway, Switzerland and the United States. “The General Staff” says the communication;
“is authorizing you to avail yourself in unlimited amounts of these credits for the destruction of the enemy’s factories, plants and the most important military and civil structures. Simultaneously with the investigation (institigation) of strikes it is necessary to make provisions for the damaging of motors, of mechanisms, with the destruction of vessels, setting incendiary fires to stocks of raw material and finished products, deprivation of large towns of their electric energy, stocks of fuel and provisions.”
“Special agents detailed, which will be at your disposal, will deliver to you explosive and incendiary devices and a list of such persons in the country under your observation who will assume the duty of agents of destruction.”
Ambassador Francis pointed out that the document was dated six weeks before the rest of the world knew it was to be warred upon;
“and even then making exact plans for a campaign of incited strikes and incendiary fires in the industrial plants and the yet uncreated munition plants in the United States.” (Ibid., page 373.)
Document No.3 is signed “Risser” and dated “Circular November 2, 1914.” It is addressed to the representative of the Nya Banken and the agents of the Diskonto Gesellschaft and of the Deutsche Bank.:
“At the present time,” the document reads, “there have been concluded conversations between the authorized agents of the Imperial Bank and the Russian revolutionaries, Messrs. Zenzinov and Lunacharski. Both the mentioned persons addressed themselves to several financial men who, for their part, addressed themselves to our representatives. We are ready to support the agitation and propaganda projected by them in Russia on the absolute condition that the agitation and propaganda (carried on?) by the above mentioned Messrs. Z. and L. will touch the active armies at the front. In case the agents of the Imperial Bank should address themselves to your banks we beg you to open them the necessary credit which will be covered completely as soon as you make demand on Berlin.”
An addition to the document states that;
“Z. and L. got in touch with the Imperial Bank of Germany through the bankers (D?) Rubenstein, Max Warburg and Parvus.”
Comments Ambassador Francis:
“L. is the present People’s Commissar of Education. Z. is not a Bolshevik, but a right Social Revolutionist and in the discard, whereabouts unknown. Parvus and Warburg both figure in the Lenin and Trotsky documents. P. is at Copenhagen. W. chiefly works from Stockholm.” (lbid., pages 373 and 374.)
Document No. 5 is signed “Kirdorff”, president of Kirdorff’s Rhenish Westphalian Industrial Syndicate, and is addressed to the central office of Nya Banken in Stockholm; Svenson Baltzer, representative of Diskonto Gesellschaft in Stockholm, and to a Mr. Kirch, representative of the Deutsche Bank in Switzerland. “The Rhenish Westphalian Industrial Coal Syndicate,” writes Kirdorff;
“charges you with the management of the account of which you have been apprised for the support of Russian emigrants desirous of conducting propaganda amongst Russian prisoners of war and the Russian Army.”
Comments the Ambassador:
“Note that this document already figures in the (omission) several governments having been intercepted in the correspondence of Prince von Bulow. It has new and direct pertinency to the Lenin-Trosky data which follows herewith.” (Ibid., pages 374 and 375.)
Document No. 6 is dated June 18, 1917 at Copenhagen, signed “Svensen” and addressed to “Mr. Ruffner, Helsingfors.” The communication reads:
“Please be advised that from the Diskonto Gesellschaft account, 315,000 marks have been transferred to Mr. Lenin’s account in Kronstaat as per order of syndicate. Kindly acknowledge receipt Nilandeway (Nylandsvej), 98 Copenhagen, W. Hansen & Co.” Comments Ambassador Francis: “Kronstadt, the navy base, was the nerve center from which L.’s activities radiated during the summer, both before and after he fled from Petrograd.
Sailors were, and still are, his first dependence. Hansen & Co. are named in document 1.”
Document No. 7 is signed “Svensen”, dated September 8, 1917 at Stockholm, and addressed to “Mr. Farsen, Kronstadt (via Helsingfors)” and reads as follows:
“Carried out your commission: passports and the indicated sum of 207,000 marks as per order of your Mr. Lenin have been handed to person mentioned in your letter. The selection met with approval of his excellency the ambassador. Confirm the arrival of said persons and separate receipt of your counter receipts.”
Ambassador Francis noted that the ambassador referred to was probably “Von Lucius, a complimentary reference.”
Document No. 8 is signed “Kriek, Deutsche Bank,” dated at Kontrerazvedka, Geneva, June 16, 1917, addressed to Mr. Furstenberg at Stockholm. It read as follows:
“Please note that at the request of Mr. (Jullias?) francs 32,000 have been paid for the publication of Maximalist socialist pamphlets. Advise by telegram addressed to Decker of the receipt of the consignment of pamphlets, number of bill of lading and date of arrival.”
Needless to say “Maximalist” means Marxian or Bolshevik. Mr. Francis pointed out to the Secretary of State that Furstenberg was known in St. Petersburg as “Ganetski” and that he was named in document No. 1. (Ibid., page 375.) Warburg is solidly welded to Trosky in Document No. 9. The communication, signed by J. Furstenberg, is addressed to Mr. Raphael Scholnickan at Haparanda and reads as follows:
“Dear Comrade: The office of the banking house M. Warburg has opened, in accordance with telegram from the Rhenish Westphalian Syndicate, :m account for the undertaking of Comrade Trotsky. The attorney (?) purchased arms and has organized their transportation and delivery track Lulea and Vardo to the office of Essen & Son in the name Lulea receivers and a person authorized to receive the money demanded by Comrade Trotsky.” Comments Ambassador Francis: “This is the first reference to Trosky. It connects him with banker Warburg and with Furstenberg. Lulea is a Swedish town near Haparanda.” (Ibid., pages 375 and 376.)
Document No. 10 was signed by J. Furstenberg, dated October 2, 1917, and addressed to Mr. Antonov at Haparanda. It reads:
“Comrade Trotsky’s request has been carried out. From the account of the syndicate and the Ministry (probably Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Berlin, press division) 400,000 Kroner have been taken and remitted to Comrade Sonia who will call on you with this letter and will hand you the said sum of money.” Comments the United States Ambassador: “Antonov is the chief military leader of the Bolsheviki. He was in command of the forces that took St. Petersburg. He is now in the field against Kaledin and Alexeev.
At the date of this letter Trotsky was already at the head of Petrograd Soviet and the Bolshevik revolution was only a month away.” (Ibid., page 376.)
Document No. 11 is signed “Scheidemann,” dated August 25, 1917, and addressed to “Mr. Olberg.” It reads as follows:
“Your desire for (omission) together with the intention of the party. By agreement with the persons known to you 150,000 Kroner are transferred to be at your disposal at Furstenberg’s office through Nya Banken. Kindly advise Vo1″warts about everything that is being written by the newspaper about present events.”
Scheidemann, explained the Ambassador, was a German socialist leader.
Document No. 11;
“links him with Furstenberg-Ganetski; with the Nya Banken and with subsidizing the Russian revolution. Trotsky published a newspaper during the summer. Another newspaper spoke for Lenin. Vorwarts would seem to refer to the socialist organ at Berlin. Scheidemann’s roles both as German peace propagandist and as strike queller in Germany are illumined by this letter.” (Ibid., page 376.)
On October 8, 1918 the Charge d’Affaires in London transmitted to the United States Secretary of State a copy of a note (October 1, 1918) and a report from M. Oudendyke, Netherlands Minister, “relating to conditions in Petrograd.” The note from the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Balfour) to the American Ambassador (Page) is numbered 162839/W/38 and read as follows:
“The Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs presents his compliments to his excellency the United States Ambassador and, with reference to his note No. 1261 of the 25th September, has the honour to transmit herewith, for his excellency’s confidential information, a copy of the report by the Netherlands Minister, relating to conditions in Petrograd, which was received through His Majesty’s Minister at Christiana.”
“Mr. Balfour trusts that his excellency will agree with him in considering that it is undesirable that any of the information contained in the report should be made public until the Allied subjects and citizens now in the power of the Bolsheviks have left the country.” (Ibid., page 674.)
Among other things the Netherlands Minister reported that;
“the Red Guards under the direction of several commissaries . . . behaved with the greatest brutality”
and that the;
“whole Soviet government has sunk to the level of a criminal organization . . . The danger is now so great that I feel it my duty to call the attention of the British and all other Governments to the fact that if an end is not put to Bolshevism in Russia at once the civilization of the whole world will be threatened. This is not an exaggeration but a sober matter of fact; and the most unusual action of German and Austrian Consuls General before referred to, in joining in protest of neutral legations appears to indicate that the danger is also realized in German and Austrian quarters.
I consider that the immediate suppression of Bolshevism is the greatest issue now before the world, not even excluding the war which is still raging, and unless as above stated Bolshevism Is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to spread in one form or another over Europe and the whole world as it is organized and worked by Jews who have no nationality, and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things. The only manner in which this danger could be averted would be collective action on the part of all powers. I am also of opinion that no support whatever should be given to any other socialistic party in Russia, least of all to Social Revolutionaries, whose policy it is at the moment to overthrow the Bolsheviks, but whose aims in reality are the same, viz., to establish proletariat rule through out the world… I would beg that report may be telegraphed as soon as possible in cypher in full to the British Foreign Office in view of its importance.” (Ibid., pages 675, 678 and 679.)
The Consul General (Summers) at Moscow notified the Secretary of State May 2, 1918 that:
“Jews predominant in local Soviet government.” (Ibid., page 518.)
“Fifty per cent of Soviet government in each town consists of Jews of worst type, many of whom are anarchists.” (Ibid., Volume II, page 240.)
Version History & Notes
Version 1: Published Jul 6, 2015
* The original text was part of a larger work, hence the page numbering starting from p. 175.
* Images not in the original document.
* Footnotes are not in the original document.
* Cover page is a modified version of the original.
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